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Does the BC NDP Apply Its Own Standards on Racism to itself?

Does the BC NDP Hold Itself to the Same Standards?

With advance voting in B.C.’s provincial election beginning October 16 and Final Voting Day on October 24, voters have an important reason to scrutinize the claims political parties make about their opponents. Elections BC’s official voting information provides the key dates.

Political parties are quick to condemn their opponents over controversial online statements. But does the BC NDP apply the same standards to its own politicians?

This article examines the NDP’s accusations of racism against opposition figures, compares those accusations with the original statements and responses, and asks whether the evidence supports the claims being made.

The aim isn’t to excuse offensive remarks. It’s to distinguish demonstrable racism from political disagreement, provocative language and statements taken out of context.

Niki Sharma: “The Unbearable Whiteness of Local Elections”

On October 21, 2018, Niki Sharma posted:

“The unbearable whiteness of local elections results.”

Sharma subsequently argued that candidates from racialized communities faced barriers and that Vancouver’s election results failed to reflect the city’s diversity.

But an election is not a demographic census. Voters choose candidates for many reasons, and an unsuccessful candidate’s race does not establish that discrimination occurred. Nor must elected representatives mirror the population’s racial composition.

Sharma has also argued that candidates should be judged by their values and ideas rather than their skin colour. That principle raises a reasonable question about the emphasis on race in her original tweet.

“And, that our democracy should create a platform for people to be judged by their values, ideas, and commitment and not by the colour of their skin.”

Source: Niki Sharma: “To those people of colour who ran and lost in the civic elections, I know how you feel” — Georgia Straight

Martin Luther King Jr. famously dreamed of a society where people would be judged by the content of their character, not the colour of their skin. Sharma expressed a similar principle—but when Vancouver’s election results came in, she lamented their “unbearable whiteness.”

“Judge candidates by character, not skin colour—unless you’re counting the winners.”

A Further Example: Race, Qualifications and Merit

In June 2020, Sharma responded to a post questioning whether race, skin colour and gender were being prioritized over qualifications, character, hard work, ethics and education.

Sharma replied:

“And while I am at it – F@@ck off with this comment. As if BIPOC’s collective lack of qualifications is the reason that whiteness keeps getting reproduced at the top.”

Her response raises a further question about how she views arguments concerning merit and racial representation. The original post questioned whether demographic representation was being prioritized over individual qualifications. Sharma rejected the suggestion that a lack of qualifications among BIPOC people explained the continued predominance of white people in senior positions.

The exchange does not establish that Sharma opposes merit-based selection, nor does it prove that race-based selection was taking place in the circumstances being discussed. It does, however, provide additional context for readers assessing her public statements about race and representation.

Read Sharma’s post on X.

Neither post, on its own, establishes that Sharma is racist or opposes merit-based selection. The issue is whether her public statements about race and representation deserve the same scrutiny that the NDP applies to controversial statements made by opposition politicians. Readers should judge both examples in their full context and draw their own conclusions.

Joachim Agou: Accusations Over Social Media Posts

In October 2026, the BC NDP accused BC Conservative candidate Joachim Agou of “horrific racism” and called for his removal. The accusation centred on a meme about Pakistan and a political graphic featuring Donald Trump, Elon Musk and European politicians.

The Pakistan meme

The meme joked that Donald Trump mistook Pakistan for a place that looked like a “shithole,” before revealing that the location was London.

The wording disparages Pakistan, but insulting a country is not automatically the same as expressing racial hostility toward its population. The meme does not explicitly claim that Pakistanis are inferior or call for discrimination against them.

The “white supremacist” allegation

Agou also reposted a graphic captioned “Make the West Great Again,” featuring Trump, Musk and several European political figures.

The NDP characterized the figures as white supremacists. However, the screenshot establishes that Agou shared a political graphic; it does not establish that every person depicted is a white supremacist or that Agou endorsed white supremacy.

The NDP linked to Agou’s original post, which is now inaccessible to the public. The screenshot reproduced here provides some of the original material, but readers cannot independently review the full post and its context.

Nationalism, opposition to immigration and criticism of Islam are not automatically evidence of white supremacy. The graphic shows the politicians and slogan Agou shared, but it does not, by itself, establish that Agou endorses white supremacy. That conclusion requires evidence beyond the identities of the people pictured.

What did Agou say?

Agou apologized for his wording, took responsibility for his posts and rejected the accusation that he was racist. He also said some older reposts no longer reflected his views. The Conservatives removed him as a candidate, and he said he would continue as an independent.

Read the NDP’s accusation · Read Agou’s response.

The takeaway: The meme uses disparaging language about Pakistan, but the evidence reviewed so far does not establish that it demonstrates racial prejudice. The white-supremacy allegation also requires more than the presence of controversial political figures in a repost. Each claim should be judged on its own evidence.

Brent Chapman: Controversial Comments and Calls for Removal

In October 2024, the BC NDP demanded that Conservative leader John Rustad remove Surrey South candidate Brent Chapman over past comments about Palestinians and Muslims, as well as a separate residential-school controversy. Read the NDP’s demand.

Palestinians and Muslims

In a 2015 Facebook comment, Chapman described Palestinian children as “little inbred walking, talking, breathing time bombs,” adding that he meant this “figuratively and quite literally.” He also wrote that coexistence with Islam was “absolutely not” possible. The NDP characterized his remarks as racist and hateful.

Research has documented substantial rates of marriage between biological relatives in some Palestinian populations. Such marriages can increase the risk of certain inherited genetic disorders, but those statistics do not establish that Palestinian children are terrorists or justify generalizations about an entire population. The question is whether Chapman’s wording was an exaggeration, an expression of prejudice, or both.

Chapman later apologized, calling his past language toward Palestinians and Muslims “completely unacceptable.” He said his views had changed through travel and personal relationships. Read the report on his apology.

The wider accusation: Residential schools and the right to question

The NDP also cited Chapman’s participation in a podcast discussion in which the host called the residential-school mass-graves narrative a “massive fraud.” We have only a 50-second clip, not the full interview, so we cannot independently establish the complete context or Chapman’s intent. View the available clip and reporting.

The debate over evidence was real. In 2024, two B.C. lawyers challenged the Law Society’s training material for stating that 215 children’s bodies had been discovered at Kamloops. The Society said it would clarify its wording about potential burial sites. This dispute highlighted the distinction between radar anomalies and confirmed human remains; it did not settle the broader history of residential schools. Read the Law Society’s notice and the lawyers’ resolution.

The controversy also arose amid proposals to criminalize certain forms of residential-school denialism. Supporters argued that restrictions were needed to address deliberate denial and hatred; critics questioned how the line would be drawn between such conduct and legitimate challenges to specific claims. That debate is relevant to whether questioning evidence is being treated fairly.

The question: Did the NDP assess Chapman’s separate statements individually, or combine them into a broader case for removing him? Readers should be able to examine the original remarks, available evidence and his public apology before reaching a conclusion.

Kerry-Lynne Findlay and Peter Milobar: Allegations of Racism and Conflict of Interest

During the May 2026 BC Conservative leadership debate, Kerry-Lynne Findlay questioned whether Peter Milobar’s family connections could create a conflict of interest when dealing with DRIPA, Indigenous land rights and private property. Watch the original Global News leadership debate.

Milobar objected to the implication that his wife’s Indigenous background made him conflicted. Findlay later explained that her concern was about family members’ paid employment connected to the First Nation, not their ethnicity. In a subsequent interview with Black Press, she said:

“It was a process question on does that present a conflict of interest when you are talking about repealing DRIPA or dealing with indigenous land rights?”

Read Findlay’s interview with Black Press. This is Findlay’s explanation of her intent, not independent proof that her original remarks were free of racial implications.

What do the rules say?

BC’s Members’ Conflict of Interest Act recognizes both actual and apparent conflicts. An apparent conflict can arise when a reasonably well-informed person could reasonably perceive that a member’s private interest must have affected their official duties. Read section 2 of the Act.

Family or employment connections can therefore justify questions about impartiality. But they do not automatically establish a conflict: the connection must be relevant to the member’s private interests and the specific public decision. No formal finding that Milobar was conflicted has been identified in the research for this case.

The NDP’s response

On May 30, 2026, the NDP characterized Findlay’s campaign as racist and described her remarks about Milobar as a “direct racist attack.” The party argued that she had claimed he was conflicted because his wife and children were Indigenous. Read the NDP caucus statement.

Findlay’s explanation was different: she said she was questioning whether paid family employment created a potential conflict in decisions involving Indigenous land rights. Readers should be able to compare the original exchange, her explanation and the NDP’s characterization rather than treating any one of them as conclusive.

A Historical Comparison: Mike Farnworth and a “Clear Conflict”

In March 2016, NDP House Leader Mike Farnworth criticized a government grant involving former BC Liberal MLA Judi Tyabji Wilson, who was president of the nonprofit receiving the grant and had been hired to supervise the project.

Farnworth said:

“One has to be dumbfounded a ministry would ignore its own staff’s recommendation, and it’s there in black and white, that this is a clear conflict.”

The report in The Tyee described concerns raised in a government assessment about the arrangement. Tyabji Wilson said the concerns had been resolved before the grant was awarded and defended the arrangement.

The situations are not identical. The Farnworth case concerned a nonprofit grant and a project supervisor, while the Findlay–Milobar dispute concerned family employment and potential conflicts involving Indigenous land-rights policy. Nevertheless, the comparison raises a relevant question: does the NDP apply the same level of scrutiny when its own representatives make strong accusations of conflict or impropriety?

Read the original report in The Tyee.

Katy Merrifield: When Criticism of Islam Becomes “Racism”

In October 2026, BC NDP leader David Eby called on interim BC Conservative leader Lorne Doerkson to remove campaign adviser Katy Merrifield over social media posts criticizing Islam. NDP MLA Garry Begg called the remarks “inexcusable racism,” while the BC NDP characterized Merrifield’s posts as Islamophobic.

But what did Merrifield actually say, and how did she explain it?

Merrifield’s original post stated:

“Fuck Islam. Defend Western civilization. I will die on this hill. As a Canadian, as a Brit, as a civilized human being. Expel this abhorrent ideology and everyone who defends it.”

She subsequently published her own explanation on X, writing:

“As a woman and a rape survivor, I was brought to tears reading the horrific accounts of the UK grooming gang scandals. Young girls were subjected to unimaginable sexual abuse, while authorities at multiple levels failed to protect them.

I was heartbroken, horrified, and angry. I abhor the people who perpetuated that violence justified by their extremist ideology.

I took down my original post within hours because my anger was directed at the extremism used to justify these horrific crimes, not at Muslims or their faith.”

Her explanation identifies the context for her anger: reports of sexual abuse, failures by authorities and the extremist ideology she believes was used to justify the crimes. She explicitly distinguishes that anger from hostility toward Muslims or their faith.

Her original wording was forceful, particularly the call to expel “everyone who defends it.” Readers can reasonably question how broadly that phrase was intended to apply. But her subsequent explanation is also part of the record and should be considered when assessing her intent.

Is Criticism of Islam Automatically Racism?

No. Islam is a religion, not a race. Criticism of religious doctrines, practices or political influence does not automatically establish racism or prejudice against Muslims.

The NDP also cited material Merrifield had reposted, including a statement describing Islam as “a literal rape culture.” That is a sweeping generalization, but a repost without comment does not, by itself, establish agreement with every word. People share material for different reasons, and sharing a post is not necessarily an endorsement of every claim it contains.

The relevant question is whether the evidence establishes prejudice against Muslims as people, rather than simply opposition to a religion, its doctrines or an extremist interpretation of it.

Eby’s Demand and Its Political Implications

Eby demanded Merrifield’s removal, saying:

“Either he removes her, or he very clearly would only remove a candidate, where they didn’t stand a snowball’s chance in hell of winning.”

Eby framed Doerkson’s response as a test of whether the Conservatives would apply the same standard to candidates with little chance of winning. In the context of an election campaign, the demand also placed political pressure on a rival party and risked damaging its campaign.

His statement does not establish his private motive or the likelihood of a Conservative victory. It does, however, show that he turned the controversy into a demand for the removal of a senior campaign adviser, with potential political consequences for his opponents.

Does the NDP Apply the Same Standard to Its Opponents?

The cases examined here involve different circumstances, from comments about election results and controversial social media posts to allegations involving religion and potential conflicts of interest. They should not be treated as identical. But they raise a common question: does the BC NDP apply the same standards when judging political opponents as it does when assessing its own representatives?

In the Findlay–Milobar dispute, the NDP characterized Findlay’s remarks as racist, while the Farnworth comparison provides historical context for evaluating how the NDP approaches allegations of conflict of interest. In the Merrifield case, the dispute centres on whether criticism of Islam was accurately characterized as racism or Islamophobia, and whether reposts were treated as proof of endorsement.

The relevant question is not whether every controversy is equivalent. It is whether the evidence is examined fairly, explanations are considered, and serious accusations are supported by specific reasoning rather than political labels alone.

The historical comparison does not, by itself, prove a double standard. It does, however, give readers a basis to ask whether the same scrutiny is applied consistently across party lines.

Conclusion: Judge the Evidence, Not the Label

Accusations of racism, bigotry and Islamophobia are serious. They should be supported by evidence and evaluated in context, not accepted as established facts simply because a political party or leader makes them.

The cases examined in this article raise legitimate questions about how the BC NDP distinguishes between offensive language, criticism of beliefs, prejudice against people and genuine conflicts of interest. They do not conclusively prove a deliberate double standard, but they provide grounds to scrutinize whether the same principles are applied consistently.

Political accountability requires consistent standards—regardless of which party is making the accusation or who is on the receiving end.

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Jordan
Jordan
Jordan is a casual reporter for BC Rise
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